Tijdschrift voor de geschiedenis van de kartografie in Nederland
Journal for the history of cartography in the Netherlands

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Inhoud 11e jaargang (1992)
Contents of volume 11 (1992)

no. 1     no. 2     no. 3     no. 4

Caert-Thresoor 11e jaargang 1992, nr. 1

Günter Schilder 50 jaar

Caert-Thresoor 11e jaargang 1992, nr. 2

Caert-Thresoor 11e jaargang 1992, nr. 3

Caert-Thresoor 11e jaargang 1992, nr. 4


Summaries

Ferjan Ormeling
The influence of Brian Harley on modern cartography

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 2-6]

J.B. Harley's postmodernist views on cartography have influenced present-day cartography, in the sense that the impact of social aspects on mapping and map-use is now increasingly recognized; amongst historians of cartography the awareness of the changes in attitudes regarding our environment has initiated these views, which Harley further extrapolated for some time. The most recent extension is the power-concept as introduced by Harley: it is not cartographers who determine what information is collected and represented, but decision-makers. Apart from that, maps (and therefore cartographers) exert power in their own right as they enable mankind to either bomb villages or build reservoir dams. Harley's ideas are presented here as an example of the kind of contributions historians of cartography can make to modern cartography. (back)

Peter van der Krogt
The pocket-globe by Abraham van Ceulen (c. 1697)

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 7-10]

Until recently, the only known report on a pocket-globy by Abraham van Ceulen was an advertisement in the "Amsterdamse Couranto of April 20, 1697. The probability was put forward, that van Ceulen's pocket-globe was a re-edition of a small anonymous globe, ascribed to Blaeu (note 7). But, when the Amsterdams Historisch Museum acquired a copy of van Ceulen's pocket-globe, it appears to be a complete new engraved work. The engraving is done by Gerrit Drogenham. For the celestial globe the Blaeu 13.5 cm globe of 1606 was used as example. Because it is copied mirror-reversed, the result is the astronomically correct geocentric projection of the stars. The map on the terrestrial globe is identical to the mentioned anonymous globe, but has more toponyms on it. (back)

Marc Hameleers
Maps in facsimile: Is it allowed to make demands?

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 11-16]

In recent decades hundreds of maps have been reproduced. Whenever the sizes of a reproduction aproximate the sizes of the original map, one easily mentiones it a facsimile. In this article three authorized definitions of the word facsimile are mentioned. Also several reasons are mentioned why they are published. Reasons are of a curating, documentairy, economic, and representational nature. Also will be described under which circumstances we might speak about a 'real' facsimile. In the last paragraphs the qualities of several facsimiles and their introductions are evolved and some critical reamrks will be made concerning the worth of facsimiles for scientific research on the history of cartography. (back)

Paul van den Brink
The Nicolaas Cruquius map of the River Merwede

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 17-23]

Between 1725 and 1729 Nicolaas Cruquius, who was a land surveyor, set up proposals drawing the contours of a central government authority controlling rivers, waterworks and dikes in the Republic, which he presented to the States of Holland. The proposed authority would have the compilation of statistics on water control as its prime task. This would allow insight in the state of affairs concerning water management and achieve greater efficiency in subsequent decision making. Although the proposals received wide acclaim, they were not implemented. Through different means Cruquius later obtained the chance to realise his ideas on a modest scale after all. This exertion resulted, among others, in a splendid map of the river Merwede. The present paper reconstructs the origins of this map, using some newly established sources. Much attention is paid to the scientific report accompanying the Merwede map. For a true understanding of the form and contents of the map, this report is indispensible. (back)

Edwin Okhuizen
The (im)possibility of a Northeast Passage in European cartography of the 15th and the first half of the 16th centuries

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 24-30]

Columbus' discovery of America in 1492 left the seaways around the south of Africa and through the Strait of Magellan as the only navigable routes to the rich markets of Eastern Asia. By 1550 these southern routes were already claimed by the sea empires of Portugal and Spain, forcing the emerging north European seafaring nations of England and the Netherlands to look for alternative routes in northern regions, in their search for access to the same markets. The Northeast Passage was thought to lead into the Pacific Ocean via a relatively short route to the north of Europe and Asia through what is now called the Bering Strait.
Lack of firsthand observations inevitably meant that 15th and 16th century geographers based their theories on the Arctic on hypothesis and myth. Although these ideas were often far-fetched, they are vital for our understanding of the geographical concept behind the first expeditions of the English from the 1550s on. The Clavus' type of map pictured the North Atlantic as an enormous gulf surrounded in the north by a single land mass stretching from Greenland to the Eurasian continent, excluding a Northeast Passage through the North Atlantic. This geographical concept was a great political convenience to the Danish-Norwegian Crown which claimed the North Atlantic and Arctic waters as her "Mare Nostrum".
A different image of the Arctic was introduced by Martin Behaim on a terrestrial globe from 1492, namely as a region consisting of four large land areas, besides numerous smaller islands, situated in a circle around the North Pole. Similar representations of the Arctic were put forward on maps by Johan Ruysch in 1507-08, Oronce Finé in 1531 before it gained provisional acceptance when it was incorporated in Mercators famous world map of 1569. The polar continent is separated from the mainland of Asia by open sea, and a waterway is given between Asia and America making a Northeast Passage very feasible, which was more suitable to the emerging north European seafaring nations of England and the Netherlands.
During the second quarter of the 16th century the first general maps of Scandinavia and Russia were made, showing mostly an open sea north of these countries which implying the existence of a navigable sea route. This is clearly shown by the maps of Scandinavia by Olaus Magnus (1539) and Sebastian Münster (1544), as well as on the maps of Russia by Paola Giovio (1525 or somewhat later) and Sigmund von Herberstein (1546). In about 1550, all this knowledge and ideas were worked into various maps in Venice.
There is little to no doubt that the planners of the first English expedition in search of a Northeast Passage in 1553 were familiar with at least some of the above mentioned foreign maps on Russia. Despite their failure in actually finding one, only as late as 1878-9 was it for the first time attempted with success by Nordenskiöld, the hypothesis that a Northeastern route to Eastern Asia must have been possible geographically was in itself correct, which cannot be said from Columbus' belief in a route leading straight west across the Atlantic Ocean. (back)

J.W.F. Voogt & J.M.L. Ingen-Housz
Henripolis: Maps in a 17th century developmental project

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 1, pp. 31-37]

For some time now, bibliographical research has been conducted at Utrecht University concerning maps, topographical prints and portraits such as occur on 16th and 17th century pamphlets in Dutch collections. This research does not simply aim at descrip­tive inventories, but also tries to obtain insight in the illustrative and informative function of this material in relation to accompanying text.
In the present paper, the authors attempt to elaborate on the relation between map and text on the basis of a specific example. For that purpose a pamphlet printed in Amsterdam in 1626 has been examined in some detail. The pamphlet reports on a new city in the County of Neuchâtel, and contains three maps attributed to the Amsterdam engraver Pieter van den Keere. (back)

J.W.E. Klein
The origin of Joan Blaeu's Grooten Atlas in Gouda

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 2, pp. 41-47]

A correspondence between Johan Blaeu and the Keepers of the Townlibrary at Gouda reveales some interresting aspects of the appearance of the Dutch edition of the Atlas maior.
When, in 1662, the Latin edition of Blaeu's Atlas maior appeared, the Townlibrary at Gouda possessed four volumes of Blaeu's Dutch predecessor, the Toonneel des Aerdrycks (1645). Obviously, the Atlas maior had far more maps and texts then the Toonneel. The Keepers of the Townlibrary wished to have their atlas made up to date and asked Blaeu if an appendix could be made. According to Blaeu's answer an appendix could not be made, but he was willing to try to insert the new maps and textpages into the existing Toonneel des Aerdrycks. According to Blaeu's estomations it would cost the Keepers about 200 guilders.
The Keepers of the Townlibrary aproved of Blaeu's proposal and at October 26, 1662, they sent their atlas to Blaeu's office in Amsterdam. At first Blaeu hoped to finish the job in June 1663. However, inserting the leaves into the Toonneel des Aerdrycks was more difficult than Blaeu thought. It was one year later, in June 1664, that the first volumes of the modernized atlas arrived back in Gouda. Only in December 1664 all nine volumes of the atlas were complete. In this way the Toonneel des Aerdrycks was "rebuilt" into a Dutch edition of the Atlas maior.
The fact that the Keepers of the Townlibrary started their enterprise in 1662 (two years before the official Dutch edition of the Atlas maior or Grooten Atlas appeared) makes it possible that the Gouda atlas was one of the first ?and possibly the first? which is the result of "rebuilding". Therefore it is also probable that it is the very first issue of the Grooten Atlas. The total costs of "rebuilding" appeared to be 150 guilders, but for reasons unknown the Keepers only paid 140 guilders. (back)

Wolfgang Lierz
From bicycle to car: A century of road maps for cyclists

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 3, pp. 61-66]

During the first half of the 19th century, travellers used simple road maps as a general guide only. The stage coach driver was responsible for finding the right direction. This changed with the development of the bicycle as the first vehicle for individual travel since 1885. Special maps with specific informations such as distances, road conditions and gradients were requested soon. Compared with other European countries, the development of cycling maps in the Netherlands started on a very good general basis of topographic mapping of the country. The popular Wielrijders-Atlas van Nederland (Cycling atlas of the Netherlands) served as the standard road map from 1894 for several decades, first for cyclists only, later for motorists, too. Due to the flat shape of the country, special signatures for gradients were never used. (back)

Jan de Bruin
The printed map of the Wogmeer Polder and the surveyor Gerrit Dirksz. Langedijck: the missing link found?

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 3, pp. 67-72]

In 1717/1718 the Amsterdam engraver and draughtsman Albert Schut engraved a map that was commissioned by the polder?board of the Wogmeer. However, the situation depicted dates from 1610. Possibly Schut based his engraving on a 1610 map of the newly reclaimed land, which drawn on parchment by Gerrit Dirksz. Langedijck. This surveyor from Alkmaar had already surveyed the Wogmeer several times before it was diked in. An unsigned copy of one of these maps has survived and is now conserved in the municipal archives in Alkmaar. This beautiful map of the Wogmeer depicting it at the time it was still a lake, was probably drawn in connection with the problems that hampered progress in the construction of the dikes during the first months of 1608. (back)

Marja Keyser
The last colourists: Colouring establishments in the Netherlands in the second half of the 19th century

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 4, pp. 81-85]

Taking first stock of Dutch colouring establishments, 1856-1900. Most of these workshops for colouring illustrations and maps were active in Amsterdam. Also of great importance was the workshop of J.J. Sleijser at Leiden. The usual procedure in colouring and the resulting problems (there were too few colouring establishments to meet with the growing demands of the ever expanding booktrade) are explained with the help of the correspondence between the publisher Hugo Suringar and several of the artists who coloured the maps of the famous Gemeente-Atlas by J. Kuyper. (back)

Patricia Alkhoven
Computer-aided analysis of old maps. A case study: Blaeu's map of Heusden (1649)

[Caert-Tresoor 11(1992) 4, pp. 87-93]

When using old maps in historical studies, these maps have to be studied carefully before any reliable information can be derived from them. New computer?visualization techniques enable the historian to study for example the reliability of old maps actively while he will arrive at possible results more quickly than when using traditional methods of analysis. The results obtained should be enhanced by further research (literatue, archives). We have tested some of the new techniques on the map of Heusden by Joan Blaeu 1649. From a two?dimensional computer projection, representing the digitized lay?out of Blaeu's map and a cadastral map (1832) with accurate dimensions, it appeared that the fortifications were represented accurately while the street pattern in the old map had been drawn wrongly (fig. 2). A new option to combine two?dimensional images with three?dimensional models was first used to show that streets of a modern town model still connect to the gates in the old map which was scanned (fig. 3). The same technique enabled us to 'rebuild' the old map in a three?dimensional computer model (fig. 4?6). In this way we hoped to detect the underlaying drawing conventions as applied in Blaeu's map. With respect to its perspective, it appeared that Blaeu had used two kinds of projections. The fortifications were represented in orthogonal projection (plan) while the houses were drawn in oblique projection. Due to mathematical reasons, the computer could not represent both projections simultaneously. In reality, the houses must have shown a much greater variety and detail than Blaeu wanted us to believe. After some further research, enough material about the appearance of the houses became available to replace Blaeu's facades by more detailed ones (fig. 7). In this way several alternative solutions could easily be tested and evaluated. The computerized maps allow us to follow the progress of a project step by step while they are also useful as 'direct visual feedback' of the research project. In this article we have only tried to sketch a framework. Further research and systematic development of analysis is necessary. (back)


© Caert-Thresoor and Peter van der Krogt